For the second time in two months, SBS has screened a politically-charged Spanish film starring the lovely Andalucian actress Verónica Sánchez. I reviewed the first such feature, El Calentito, here. Its setting was the 1981 attempted coup by old-guard franquistas and its effect on the blooming
The film begins with two
members of the group addressing an impromptu public gathering. They try to
exhort their audience to resist the fascist takeover, but by this stage it is
too late – Franco’s troops are already marching on Madrid
and the republicans are left with the naïve hope that the oncoming war in
Europe will lead to Spain ’s
liberation from franquismo by its neighbours.
(Of course, it didn’t – the Spanish, like the captive nations of eastern
Europe, were left to their fate by the new world order forged at Yalta, and
Franco became the West’s anti-communist ‘our son of a bitch’ until his death in
1975.) As the fascists take control of Madrid (and the red-yellow-burgundy
tricolour of the Second Republic is replaced everywhere by the red-yellow-red
ensign of reactionary/bourgeois Spain), they settle scores with their enemies,
and one by one the women are discovered, arrested, imprisoned, and subjected to
show trials. The film ends with their execution by firing squad (all based on
real events), and with their final letters to their loved ones.
Sánchez plays the role of Julia, a nineteen
year-old streetcar conductor who has dabbled in socialist activism but is not
so ideological that she can’t date a nationalist soldier. She is arrested after
distributing anti-Franco pamphlets and subjected to a rather nasty
interrogation, which includes being forced to undress, being punched and
kicked, and having her nipples burned with cigarettes. Imprisoned, along with
the others, in an overcrowded and unsanitary jail, her natural rebellious
streak manifests itself in many ways. She affirms her atheism when asked upon
entering custody to state her religion, assists with the writing of a song
mocking the jail’s squalor, lets live rats loose during mass, and refuses to
deliver the straight-arm fascist salute when required. Even in the face of the
firing squad which would execute her, she remains defiant, abusing and
questioning the manhood of the fascist soldiers. Just like her role as Sara in El Calentito, she portrays a headstrong
young woman not heavily invested in the political conflict around her, but who
nevertheless poses a threat to the powers-that-be by her determination to enjoy
the fruits of women’s liberation: Julia’s status as a working woman is as provocative
to the reactionaries of 1939 as Sara’s music and sexuality would be in 1981.
The film is valuable not only for the human
interest angle, but also for its insights into the politics of the era. The
arrival of nationalist troops in Madrid
is accompanied by a round-up of republican activists, and the film features
real footage of an address to the nation by General Franco, calling on
Spaniards to assist the authorities with hunting down suspects. Despite the
broad range of ideological currents which supported the Second Republic (and
despite the fact that they didn’t all get along with each other, cf. the
battles between communists and anarchists during the Civil War), they are all
subsumed by the franquistas’
anti-communism. Thus, streetcars have “red conductors”, prison vans are
labelled “RED PRISONERS”, and the womens’ pamphleteering is described by the
state prosecutor as “basically Communism and Freemasonry.” (Franco also had a
weird thing about Freemasons.) Religion plays its role as well – everyone arrested
seems to instinctively reach for their Catholicism as a means of protesting
their innocence. Spanish flags are everywhere and xenophobia fuses into
anti-communism: Franco’s speech refers to those who hide republicans as “bad
Spaniards, that is to say, non-Spaniards.”
Las
13 Rosas paints a picture of the political
conditions that accompany reactionary regimes. General Franco’s broadcast spoke
of the need for totalitarianism (he actually used that word) to bring order and
stability to Spain .
But in order to pacify vibrant socialist, communist, radical-republican, and
anarchist movements, his men entered homes without warrants, arrested suspects
without any evidence of wrongdoing, physically and sexually abused detainees,
and executed them without trial (except when they were given trials as
fraudulent as any witnessed in Moscow during that era). And for what? To ensure
a compliant and vulnerable supply of workers for foreign and domestic capital,
and a steady stream of believers to fill the country’s Catholic congregations.
The film demonstrates, better than any work of political science could, the
truth of Corey Robin’s thesis in The Reactionary Mind: Conservatism from
Edmund Burke to Sarah Palin, that political conservatism turns nasty (and
behaves rather un-conservatively) when faced with emanicipatory movements from
hitherto marginalised groups. The Catholic/conservative/nationalist section of Spain initially reconciled itself to the end of
the monarchy, and the political right formed government for a two-year period
in the middle of the Second
Republic , leaving many
key social reforms untouched. But when faced with a Popular Front government
with a strong mandate, union militancy, and talk of gender equality, it turned
to the man whose party had won 0.07% of the votes
at the 1936 general election, but who could provide the muscle to oust the
republican regime.
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