Monday 20 January 2014

Thoughts on Syndicalism: Part Five


Part Five: A Modern Syndicalism

In this series of posts, I have been sketching a common thread of left-wing thought which rejects both the state-socialist/communist tradition (for its authoritarianism and focus on the interests of the consumer over those of the producer) and the producer-only focus of anarcho-syndicalism, Wobblyism, and pre-war French syndicalism. In this post, I will bring together these different currents of thought (guild socialism, De Leonism, the post-war CGT, the Workers’ Opposition) and propose a synthesis based on the best ideas of each:

*The economy would be a mixed one, resembling Tito’s Yugoslavia or the Soviet Union under the New Economic Policy. The means of production would mostly be publicly owned, but workplaces and industries would be self-governing by the workers employed therein, subject to a degree of worker-consumer co-determination. Small businesses, sole traders, and private agriculture would continue to exist, and much of the retail and distribution sector would be taken over by consumers’ co-operatives.

*In the sectors of the economy in which the means of production are publicly owned, the relevant union would be charged with co-ordinating the activities of workplaces, by planning; procuring supplies and raw materials; organising distribution, branding, and marketing; and conducting research and development. In order to safeguard the interests of consumers, each industry will also have a state-appointed regulatory body, whose powers would be modelled on those historically exercised by the United States’ Interstate Commerce Commission with regards to preventing undue price rises and restrictions on output.

*Workers would keep all profits made, and workers in each workplace or industry would decide democratically how these would be split among them or re-invested. (If the new economic system comes about peacefully, a portion of the profits might be designated to compensating the former capitalist owners of the means of production.)

*The United States’ National Labor Relations Act would be adopted, in which a majority vote in a ‘bargaining unit’ is required to unionise the entire membership of the bargaining unit. By adopting bargaining units covering an entire industry, class-conscious industrial unions can secure compulsory unionism in their sector of the economy by majority vote. (The National Labor Relations Board did something like this in 1938, when it settled a jurisdictional dispute between the AFL and the CIO by placing all West Coast longshoremen, from San Diego to Anchorage, in a single bargaining unit.)

*The members of these unions would directly elect local, regional, and national officials of their union, as well as their union’s delegates to the All-Industrial Congress. The All-Industrial Congress would settle disputes between the unions, plan the national economy, arrange financing for new investment, and co-ordinate foreign trade. The unions, as well as militant minorities within them, would retain all rights to engage in industrial action.

*A number of consumers’ co-operatives, modelled on the British co-operative movement, would be set up with state aid. These would purchase products from the unions and agricultural marketing boards, and operate retail stores, returning their profits to their members through a ‘dividend’ weighted according to purchases made. Co-operative officers would be elected on a one-member-one-vote basis, and co-operatives would federate at local, regional, and national levels.

*To represent the interest of consumers of public utilities and public services, the nation would be covered in a patchwork of American-style special districts, dealing with subjects such as roads, railways, water, sewerage, electricity, gas, telecommunications, schools, health, and housing. These bodies would be elected for two-year terms of office by all residents of the relevant jurisdiction, and would act as consumers’ co-operatives, procuring goods or services from the relevant union(s).

*To deal with the remaining functions of the state (taxation, high politics, law and order, constitutional affairs), there would be established at local, regional, and national levels a series of soviets. On local soviets in each city, town, and shire, three-fifths of delegates would be elected by local union branches, while the remaining two-fifths would be split between delegates elected by local consumers’ co-operatives and appointees of special districts whose jurisdiction overlaps that of the soviet. Local soviets would send recallable delegates to regional Congresses of Soviets, which would in turn send recallable delegates to the national Congress of Soviets. All soviets would elect their executive committees, as well as regulatory bodies acting in the interest of consumers.

*Domestic purchasing power would be increased via the creation of extra scrip money, which loses value over time so as not to cause inflation (as proposed in the early twentieth century by the German-Argentine economist Silvio Gesell). This scrip would be put into the money supply so as to make up the shortfall between aggregate demand and aggregate output.

*Agricultural produce, both for domestic consumption and for export, would be purchased in bulk by grower-controlled marketing boards modelled on the Australian Wheat Board.

*International trade would be structured so as to allow developing countries the chance to industrialise. (In any case, increased domestic purchasing power resulting from the creation of the scrip will remove all countries’ need to dump their excess output in foreign markets.) Developing countries would practice import-substitution industrialisation, and would form OPEC-style cartels for various categories of agricultural produce and minerals.

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